66$ 
W95 




ii'i 



PBICE TEIST OZBISTTS. 



VOL. I. 



MARCH, 18156 



No. 1. 



THE 



'RACT1CAL PHILOSOPHER 



AND 



TRUE SENATOR. 



EDITED BY B. J. WEIGHT, A. M. 



•Never speak unless you have something to say. 
and when you have said, stop. "— Franklin. 



— « » » «■ 



PHILADELPHIA: 
KING & BAIRD, PRINTERS, No. 607 SANSOM STREET. 

1866. 



For Sale by T. B. CALLENDER. Third and Walnut Streets. 



:W* 



THE 



PRACTICAL PHILOSOPHER 



AND 



TRUE SENATOR. 



P n I L A D E L. P II J A : 
KING & BAIKD, PRINTERS, No. 607 SAN80M STREET. 

1860. 



NEW LIGHT ON GREAT TOPICS. 



RECONSTRUCTION OF THE GOVERNMENT 
AFTER THE WAR. 

Only those amendments which are consequent upon 

THE WAR. 

Suffrage restricted to whites duly naturalized and 
colored soldiers. 

Direct proof that the distinction of race, &c, 

ought to be in the Constitution.* 
Resort to fundamental principles for the real 
foundation of popular suffrage. 

Decision of majority not neces- 
sarily right. 
Suffrage a privilege given fo r 

the good of all. 
Qualifications of voters — race the 

most practicable. 
The best moral principles diffi- 
cult in practice. 
" Three-fifths " principle reduced to three- 
tenlJis, and that superseded for ten or twenty 
years. 

Temporary clauses in the Con- 
stitution. 
Frank and open methods. 

Difficulty of recovering political privileges 
hastily given. 

* See also Objections to the proposed amendment, Coolies, aud the Result of extend- 
ing the Right ",•' Suffrage 



Necessity 'of securing the public debt by constitu- 
tional GUARANTEES. 

Our strength dependent upon our credit. ■ 
No debt to be contracted without provisions 

at the same time for paying it. 
Advocacy of repudiation criminal. 
Improved method of conducting presidential elec- 
tions, in order to attain the real choice of the major- 
ity, EITHER OF THE ELECTORS OR THE PEOPLE. 

The CLAUSE ON EXPORT duties should be SUSPENDED BY 
the constitution in certain cases. 

Necessity of constitutional and other restrictions as 
to organizing new states and granting public lands, 
and of retaining them for future uses for the good of 
mankind. 

The present system a great evil. 

The argument for gold unsound. 
Western ambition and selfishness. 
Populating the country in advance of law and 
civilization. 

Really no more government land 
wanted to be opened. 
The science of human government and human 
society not perfect enough to justify a par- 
celling out of all the land on God's earth. 
Sociological experiments and 
discoveries needed. 
Principles of punishment for rebellion. Distinc- 
tions among offenders. 

Kinds of punishment. 

Oaths not reliable. 

Objection to undoing the work 

clone by military leaders. 
General laws and temporary 
amnesties. 



Direct objections to the favorite proposed amend- 
ment ABOUT BASIS OF REPRESENTATION. 

Temptation to States to extend the right of 
suffrage to inferior races indiscriminately. 

Confusion of personal with political equality. 

Idea of equality welcomed, as against slavery. 

These differences of opinion, founded on moral 
and religious feelings, must have a religious 
toleration. 

Evils and results of the temptation, to extend 
the right of suffrage, will be to complicate our 
policy in regard to Mexico and other coun- 
tries on this continent, inhabited by inferior 
races chiefly. 

The favorite amendment removes the only 
check to counteract the temptation to extend 
the right of suffrage. 

It is the result of a reckless combination. 

Its most objectionable clause might, and ought 
to, be submitted separately. 

Probable abuse of the clause about citizens of 
one State having equal rights in all, if the 
amendment passes. 



NEW LIGHT ON GREAT TOPICS. 



RECONSTRUCTION OF THE GOVERNMENT 
AFTER THE WAR. 

Before giving our objections to the proposed amendment 
of the Constitution, we would suggest what seems to us 
better means for accomplishing the end in view. This end 
is the happy and permanent reconstruction of the Union, 
disturbed by the war. Hence comes the clear principle of 
making only those amendments that the war itself and its 
results seem to have made necessary. No radical changes 
should be made hurriedly, nor without thorough examina- 
tion, in a good, carefully thought and matured document 
like the Constitution of the United States. 

SUFFRAGE RESTRICTIONS. 

As there are no more slaves, there is no longer neces- 
sity for the word "free " in the Constitution, and therefore 
that word should be removed and the words white, duly 
naturalized, put in its place ; thus, to make a clear con- 
stitutional recognition of the superiority of the white race. 

We would be willing, however, to admit exceptions in 
the cases of individuals of such races who served, say one 
year in the army or navy of the United States, during the 
rebellion, and who have a sufficiently good moral and intel- 
lectual character. 

The only reasonable objection that can be offered is, that 
the distinction between the races is only of a temporary 
nature — that it will sooner or later be done away. But, 
we answer, that some parts of the Constitution are also of 
only a temporary nature. It has frequently been altered in 
many important matters, and does not even contain any dis- 
tinct acknowledgment of a God. It avowedly provides for its 
own alteration, and admits the principle of even temporary 



( 

clauses ; such clauses having beeu placed in the original 
Constitution of 1789. 

One argument in favor of this distinction of races and 
preference for the white race is, that such distinction is 
recognized by the laws and Constitutions of pi'obably every 
State in the Union, except Massachusetts ; and a principle 
so universally acknowledged and received throughout the 
country should certainly be clearly avowed by the Constitu- 
tion, now that it has become constitutionally necessary, in- 
asmuch as ordinary laws cannot reach the case at all ; the 
basis of representation having Avisely been placed in the 
deepest and fundamental part of the law, viz., the Consti- 
tution. 

We must resort to fundamental reasons and principles in 
this matter. 

The decision of a majority is yielded to, not because of 
its certain rectitude, but as a means of deciding, thought to 
be the best yet attained. But it has latterly come to be re- 
garded as proof of right by some. And others think and 
speak of the will of the majority, as if the mere will of the 
majority could justify a law, if the law itself were unwise 
and unjust. 

Minorities have rights, because they suffer by a nation's 
sufferings in war, pestilence, famine, &c. ; and because hu- 
man rights are special and personal. 

Suffrage is not an inherent or eternal right, but a privilege 
(political) designed for the good and the rights of all ; not 
of majorities only. 

It were desirable, if possible, to make intelligence and 
morality the basis of the right of suffrage, but it would be 
difficult in practice, owing to human infirmity and the im- 
perfection as yet of social sciences. 

It is, in politics, often a greater difficulty to know how 
to do what we need than to know the need itself, especially 
when the laws are to be carried out by politicians and 
demagogues greedy of gain. 

Race is a general evidence of intelligence and capacity, 
and is the best and most practicable, at present possible. 

The principle is partly the same as that upon which 
minors are excluded. For further remarks on this subject, 
see the latter part of this article. 

The principle of enumerating a certain portion of those 
inferior races, the same as if they were white, seems good 



8 

enough in itself; but it has, from the first, always been con- 
sidered by the North that " three-fifths" was too great a 
proportion, and it might well be reduced one-half that figure, 
thus taking account of about one-third of them for the basis 
of representation. 

But even that should be suspended in its operation for 
ten or twenty years, thus to give the Southern whites time 
to become well unionized, before allowing them that small 
amount of privilege. 

This principle of suspending the operation of some parts 
of the Constitution for a few years, might perhaps be 
applied profitably to others also, in view of the present 
situation. Nor is there anything unusual in making such 
temporary clauses ; but their propriety has been acknow- 
ledged already. For instance, in the original Constitution 
of the United States, the slave trade was prohibited, but a 
temporary clause was added, suspending that prohibition 
for about nineteen years, and there are also other instances. 
We advocate the open and avowed method of doing 
things generally, and the open and avowed method now, of 
accomplishing that which is generally admitted to be the 
real object of the amendment which the House of Repre- 
sentatives has already adopted and which is now forced 
upon the attention of the American people. 

We advocate this open and candid method because it is 
sincere, straightforward and not liable to a host of unexpected 
objections and evil consequences, that generally follow the 
attempt to do things in a secret and concealed manner. (In 
the latter part of this article for instance — see the results 
in relation to the other inferior races on this continent.) It 
is the only method which is just and honorable to the Amer- 
ican people. 

Another consideration, which, greatest of all, should 
cause hesitation, is this, viz., in a Democratic country 
political privileges, once given to the people, cannot be 
taken away by peaceable means. 

You may make alterations extending the right of suffrage 
or proportion of power in representation, and all is smooth 
and popular enough ; but the opposite cannot be done 
without danger of blood and carnage.' Let us be careful 
then not to make alterations, that will permit some States 
that we know will take advantage of this permission, to 
extend the suffrage; for an increase of their own political 



9 

power, and that will tempt all the States to extend it to 
inferior races, minors, &c. It might be doubted whether 
such privileges, if -once given, could ever be recalled justly 
at all, even if necessary, and might not be recalled without 
bloodshed. 

SECURITY FOR THE PUBLIC DEBT. 

The strength of the Government depends greatly upon 
the treatment of the public debt. We are under solemn 
obligations to pay it, principal and interest, promptly and 
freely. Should we violate that obligation in the slightest* 
degree, we not only become criminal but we loose the 
world's confidence, and so weaken ourselves. Then we 
could not possibly expect to borrow another two thousand 
millions to carry on another war, though our national salva- 
tion depended upon it. 

Now let us provide against any such contingency by an 
amendment, the object of which is to increase confidence in 
the value of the public debt : something like this, e. q,: No 
law shall be passed impairing the obligation to pay the 
public debt. Nor shall any debt be incurred, without at the 
same time imposing such additional taxes as may be neces- 
sary to pay the interest thereof, and also, in addition, an 
annual income of at least five per cent, more than such 
interest (except in case of invasion, actual or threatened, 
and then as soon thereafter as practicable.) Nor shall the 
law thus imposing such taxes ever be so far altered as to 
lessen said income until the whole debt be paid. And this 
amendment should provide that Congress shall immediately 
pass such laws as are necessary to accomplish that object in 
regard to our present debt. 

Let it be made felony also, by an act of Congress, for any 
person holding any political office, whether county, district, 
State or national, or any publication in the United States, 
to advocate the failure to pay promptly either interest or 
principal of our existing debt. 

We know that there is some danger that Southern influ- 
ence, joined with Northern demagogism, may cause or at 
least threaten the repudiation or neglect of this debt; or 
may add thereto the rebel debt, (and all its nominal or 
inflated face value,) by strategic legislation ; in either case 
injuring the value of our pb}iga! , and sacrificing the 
confidence of the people. 

1* 



10 



PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS. 

Another amendment needed is for an improved method 
of selecting the President, so that the real choice of the 
majority may be actually discovered. 

The people are sometimes influenced to vote for a candi- 
date, not because he is their choice, but because they think 
their first choice cannot be elected, and some other candi- 
date must be defeated at all hazards. 

For reasons well understood among politicians, parties 
,are generally pretty equally balanced, so that they will 
stand, say, about fifty-five to forty-five in a hundred. Tlie 
party having fifty-five being the majority, selects a candi- 
date who has a majority of its majority, say thirty votes of 
the fifty-five, and not a majority of the whole people. 

Thus it is that the judgment of the majority is not really 
allowed and cannot be, unless the minority party could 
have a voice in the selection of the candidates proposed by 
the majority. And as that could not and would not be 
done fairly, by any nominating caucus or convention before 
election, it must be aimed at after nomination, in the actual 
election itself. 

To illustrate our main idea, for instance : if the Repub- 
lican party could have chosen between the Democratic 
candidates in 1852, Cass, instead of Pierce, would have been 
President; and in 1856, Cass again, instead of Buchanan ; 
and so, if they could have chosen between the Democratic 
candidates in 1860, Douglas would have been President. 
And if even then the great change in parties had come, and 
the Republicans had carried, then, on the other hand, if the 
Democrats could have chosen between the Republican can- 
didates, either Dell, or some other one, less objectionable to 
the Democrats, would have been nominated, in view of that 
fact ; and some such Republican being thus elected, being 
less objectionable to the Democratic party, the South would 
not have rebelled, and their leaders could not have had 
enough material to Avork up a plausible case. 

Thus, there would neither have been Democratic aggres- 
sion, nor Kansas outrages, nor Republican outraged indig- 
nation, nor Southern rebellion. The will of the majority 
would have really governed, the principles of wisdom and 
justice vindicated peaceably, literally half a million of lives 
saved, and more than a million other hearts would not 



li 



liave grieved and agonized for their lost ones. Slavery 
would have passed away in God's own time, by purchase 
peaceably, at about one-third the cost of the war in money; 
and honest industry and moral habits among the people 
been cultivated, instead of overrun with ambition, idleness, 
instability, warrior tastes, army vices, and other wild 
growths. 

Now a method for accomplishing this is presented thus : 
Let each elector vote for two names, in this manner, viz. : 
Taking his first choice, and marking it with the figure 1, and 
his second choice marked with the figure 2, and so the votes 
are polled ; each elector thus voting for two persons for 
President. 

The following table will show the probable result, if first 
choice had not had a majority : 





Candidates. 


1st Choice. 


2d Choice. 


Total. 


303 


L 


12.) + 

120 + 

33 + 

23 + 


50= 
150= 

40= 
63= 


17") 




D 


270 


Electors 


Br 


7S 




B'l 


86 



Highest aggregate vote, and 
therefore elected. 



And the following table will show the probable result if 
first choice had had a majority. It gives under " first 
choice" the actual vote of the electors in 1860, which in 
reality would not have been so high if an alternative of this 
kind had been provided for to them : 



Candidates. 


1st Choice. 


I, 


180 + 


1) 


12 + 


Br 


72 + 


B'l 


39 + 



2d Choice 



12= 

230= 
11 = 
30= 



Total. 



192 

262 

83 

69 



Highest aggregate vote, and therefore 
elected. 



In case of a tie between two aggregates of first and second 
choice, of course the highest on jiist choice is to be preferred. 

To enable this amendment to succeed it might be neces- 
sary to enact laws, from time to time, to prevent any one 
party from nominating more than one candidate for one 
office. 

The aforementioned principle of having each person vote 
for two candidates is a return in part to the wisdom of our 
forefathers, but with this improvement, that in their plan 
the person having the smaller or minority vote became 



12 

Vice-President, but by our plan such is not the Cease ; for a 
separate set of votes for Yice-President are also to be ar- 
ranged on the same principles and plans as for President. 

EXPORT DUTIES. 

Another amendment required is, that the clause forbid- 
ding export duty should have added to it the following ex- 
ceptions, viz.: Except during the continuance of and for ten 
years after the conclusion of any war, foreign or internal ; 
or, when the market value of gold exceeds five per cent, 
above the value of the National Bank currency ; or, except 
the public debt exceeds an average of twenty dollars for 
each individual of the population of all ages and sexes, 
(equivalent to one hundred dollars for every family of five 
persons. Our debt before the war was only about quarter 
of that estimate, but now it is about five times that.) 

PUBLIC LANDS AND NEW STATES. 

Amendments are also needed to restrict an unbecoming 
haste in the scheming-up of new States and the granting 
away of public lands, except to sufficient settlements and to 
actual settlers, and on lands previously surveyed by the 
United States by regular and scientific approaches, instead 
of following the courses of boundless rivers, &c. 

This measure is very important, and its bearings need 
only be understood to be appreciated. The inclination is 
so strong and the temptation so great, to distribute the public 
lands, that only constitutional restrictions can prevent or 
restrain it. 

Under the present provisions this is a great evil, in this, 
viz., that instead of the lands being sold to actual settlers, 
to be immediately improved, and so become a source of 
revenue to the government, they become the property of 
great railroad monopolies, and for their profit, or else fall 
into the hands of speculators, and lie dormant and only con- 
sidered in the light of speculations. Laid out in sections, 
&c, only on paper, sold to capitalists who never saw them, 
and never care to see them, these sell them again to simi- 
lar parties, or hold them to benefit by their increasing 
value ; whereas this increase of value might go towards 
paying the public debt. 

And there should generally be laws to restrict surveys to 



13 

parts adjoining- actually established settlements, and to regu- 
late their outward progress by some uniform measurement, 
instead of following the boundless ranges of scattered 
rivers, and scattering the population beyond all civilization 
and all the power of government observation or control. 
And these endless surveys under the present system are 
getting to cost more than the government gets* for the 
lands. For instance, from the New York Times of February 
8th : "The Secretary of the Interior-reports to the House 
that the cost of surveying land in California up to the 
present time is $1,314,500, and the proceeds of all sales of 
lands, $520,705." Yet California has been in the F/nion 
fifteen years. 

The argumentfor promoting the emigration thither, based 
upon the fact of so much gold being found in the far west, 
will, in a future article, be shown to be unsound ; the in- 
crease of the circulating medium being in the long run an 
economic evil to the world at large, and the eager pursuit ' 
of it a cause of great social harm to our own people. The 
interests^ the Western States as yet, are not identical 
with those of the Eastern and JMiddle States. 

The West might advocate wars with European powers, 
perfectly consistent with their interests, yet ruinous to 
ours. They would not suffer from invasion, their firesides 
would not be in danger, their manufactories would not rot 
nor rust from inertia, their ships would not fall to pieces on 
the stocks, nor their commerce suffer. On the contrary, 
the Western and Pacific producers might unmolested pur- 
sue their avocations, and all their products, agricultural and 
mineral increase many fold in value. Western gold, we 
find, is a product especially enhanced in value by war. 
Then after such wars might end, those men, if frightened at 
the National debt so incurred, or inflated by their rapid 
growth in wealth and population, achieved by our dis- 
tresses and by overland mails, overland coaches, Pacific 
railroads, and other enterprises at our expense, and by their 
own vast internal resources, might secede, and, securing 
themselves behind their various niountam passes, set up a 
new republic; or, what not? 

'This is not the wild dream it may seem at first sight. 
These Western States are no more patriotic than we of the 
East. They seek their own pleasures and their own inter- 
ests, as well as we, and are somewhat more willful. Did 



14 

not California threaten to secede when not admitted as a 
State as soon as she wanted to be ? And we heard an in- 
fluential Californian make a similar threat within the past 
four years. Has she not always refused to recognize the 
United States Treasury notes as legal tenders, in defiance 
of the law ? 

These States, these men, have power enough already, 
and it may be dangerous to concede to them all they ask 
for (heir aggrandizement. We have always been too prod- 
igal of our resources. Let us no longer waste our sub- 
stance, nor burden ourselves with interminable and unprofit- 
able surveys, Pacific railroads, &c. ; nor encourage semi- 
savage whites to go be} r ond the control of society and law, 
There to raise disturbances with Mormons and ignorant In- 
dians, requiring an expensive army to redress the imaginary 
wrongs of uncouth outlaws. 

They are populating the country in advance of law and 
civilization. This is demoralizing and injurious to an 
extent only appreciable when witnessed and understood. 
Men emigrate alone, cutting themselves loose from home, 
friends, and home influences. Severed from the ties and 
associations of their youth ; deprived of the benefits of the 
gospel ; of the refining influence of female society ; and of 
the sacred atmosphere around the old church-yard and 
home ; the gulf widens between them and good, and men 
become at first reckless or selfish, then brutal, and in many 
cases ultimately outlaws. 

If more lancl were really wanted, some excuse might be 
made. But such is not the case, for there is land enough 
now in Pennsylvania, New York, or any of our large 
States, to support our whole population. Not one acre in 
ten thousand of the land now being pushed into the market, 
or surveyed, can be settled for many years, but are granted 
to build railroads ; thus, by supporting one monopoly, 
establish others — monopolies of land thrown away for the 
speculators to hold, and profit by, when the settlements do 
come. 

The science of human? government has not attained per- 
fection, any more than any other science. New ideas will 
be promulgated by sociological experimenters, and new 
discoveries must be the result of experiment in this as in 
any other science. It is a ridiculous conceit to suppose 
that we have arrived at the acme of perfection in politics, 



15 

or governmental matters, any more than in the other 
science. 

Sociology (the science of society) is a new science, and, 
next to religion, is the most important, inasmuch as it aims 
to promote the welfare and happiness of mankind at large 
Those experimenters best known, are Raleigh, Baltimore, 
and Penn, of the past; Greely and others of the "Phalanx 
Co." and Landis, in connection with the Hamilton and 
Vineland experiments (both successful) and the "Eeono- 
mites," of the present day. And who can say as to the 
future ? May not yet greater improvements arise and 
inaugurate a new era in the construction of society and 
government. 

Then these lands will be needed, and they should be 
reserved; so that when new lands are really wanted, they 
may be opened fresh, by new States instead of merely new 
settlements, villages, or mere "squats," and on new and 
improved principles, in accordance with future progressive 
knowledge: 

Let us not be too fast. The much-hoped-for day may 
soon come, when every new Western State shall be so set- 
tled that the lands will not be sold absolutely at all, but 
owned by the State, and only rented on long leases, to set- 
tlers. Thus all improvement in the value of lands would 
inure to the people at large. If, for instance, Pennsylva- 
nia had been settled on this principle, and so continued, the 
income now from the improvement in value of lands alone, as 
ascertained by careful calculation, instead of inuring to the 
iew, would now afford an income of about sixty dollars 
($60) per annum to every man, woman and child in the 
community, and would thus give, not as a charity, but as a 
common citizenship, an annuity of say one hundred and 
eighty dollars to wwy widow with two children, which 
would be quite enough to support them comfortably. 

The author of this has plans of details for the accomplish- 
ment of such results in new States, which he would be gla i, 
on a .proper occasion, to lay before the public. 

PUNISHMENT FOR REBELLION. 

In regard to punishment for rebellion, such punishment 
should not be so extensive as to hinder a real re-union. 
The true, principle why the mass of voters should be ad- 



16 

mitted to civil rights, is not from denying that they were 
guilty, but that It is the only one whereby to restore real 
National re-union, because of the great number of offenders. 
And it is the true policy of a Christian government, as the 
only alternative is the almost total extinction of a whole 

people. 

Always remembering that the object of any punishment is 
to prevent the repetition of the offence— in this case any 
subsequent attempt to rebel. 

If any distinctions are to be made they should be against, 
first, those who advocated the rebellion for months before it 
'occurred ; second, those who actually led as officers at the 
beginning of hostilities ; third, those who maltreated Union 
citizens shortly before or during the war; or maltreated 
Union prisoners ; or who carried on the war by brutal or 
cruel means, as was often done. 

Also, punish by rendering special or flagrant offenders 
disqualified for any political or corporate office, nor permit 
to edit any publication, nor to own any publishing business, 
nor to hold a position as teacher in any college or high- 
school. . 

The punishments in the worst cases should be imprison* 
ment at hard labor, and sometimes solitary confinement; not 
capital punishment ; the guilt being a kind of " murder in 
second degree ' : generally. 

(Oaths should not be relied upon, for they are generally 
given most freely by those who will do the least towards 
keeping them. Evidences, not words, should be the test, 
when anything special is required.) 

Banishment" should be avoided as punishment. It en- 
genders foreign wars. 

There should be no farther confiscation of property, ex- 
cept where there is special guilt. But when confiscation is 
just at all, eschew distinctions about real estate, as unworthy 
of the great principles of eternal justice and right. 

(Yet we condemn the principle of taking back from freed- 
meu and Northern purchasers lands already confiscated, or 
allowed to them during the war. If any kindness is to be 
done to the "reconstructed," let such lands be paid for by 
the government, or Western land given in place thereof ; 
which has another recommendation. The effect of taking 
the land from the negroes is bad, and the principle of un- 
doing fixed military acts of the war is unsound.) 



• 17 

The laws for punishment should be so based upon in- 
ward and moral distinctions, and so reasonable that few 
special exceptions by the Executive need to be made ; other- 
wise it is working too much in the dark. The Executive 
must leave much to his subordinates ; and there are too 
many opportunities for prejudice, spite, partiality and cor- 
ruption. 

At least a conditional, temporary amnesty ought to be 
granted to all, except flagrant criminals, at least for one 
whole year, to allow them to return to their peaceful avo- 
cations of life, and to employ their negroes and work their 
plantations. 

♦ 

OBJECTIONS TO THE PROPOSED AMENDMENT. 

We come now to giving a few direct objections to a cer- 
tain favorite amendment already proposed by the House of 
Representatives, making representation in proportion to 
the voting race. 

This amendment recognizes the fact that each State may 
allow whoever it pleases to vote at its own State elections ; 
and that then it shall have an amount of representation in 
the National Congress in exact proportion to the number 
of those races it allows to vote at its State elections. 

This favored amendment is a temptation to all our States 
to open the privilege of suffrage, not only to the African, 
but to all the inferior races who may be an element of our 
population, for example the Chinese, many of whom are in 
California, and their number rapidly increasing; the Az- 
tecs, natives of Lower California and Mexico ; the Indians 
and mongrel races, that are the only population in some 
parts. There has been, and probably will be, a considera- 
bly increased immigration of coolies. Let it be remem- 
bered that these are far inferior to the negroes, not even 
being Christians, and also less tractable ; and many of the 
Mexican and South American races are only nominally 
Christians. 

The subject of the relations of races among us is preju- 
diced by two very important matters associated with it in 
the mind, but having no real, but only sophistical connec- 
tion with it. 

One of these matters is the doctrine of equality, as pro- 
pounded in the Declaration of Independence. But this 



18 

doctrine undoubtedly referred not to political forms or privi- 
leges, but to personal rights, for it immediately added, " en- 
titled to the inalienable right of life, liberty, and the pursuit 
of happiness." And furthermore, the races other than whites 
in the country then were only the African, lately imported, 
and in nearly their primitive condition, and the native un- 
civilized Indians, who to this clay are not thought of as en- 
titled to political equality. 

The other matter whereby the subject is prejudiced is 
this, that we have lately been struggling hard to free a 
whole race of slaves, often badly treated and their human 
rights before the law nearly all ignored. In such case the 
ideas of human equality received ffom us a ready reception, 
because in our minds we meant civil and personal rights, 
which are denied to free negroes even yet in some of the 
Abolition States of the West. But in the Middle States, 
where people have been in the habit for several generations 
of considering this subject coolly, and of viewing it from all 
sides, the principle is easily understood, of allowing the in- 
ferior races perfect equality in person, and even for form- 
ing the private social relations, whilst reserving from them 
as yet all political privileges. 

Now the. great subjects and phrases of expressing human 
liberty and human equality have among us come to be 
closely associated with our religious feelings, and in fact 
have become parts of our religion, as it was among the 
ancient Greeks. Hence our differences of opinion have all 
the rancorand all the unreasonableness of religious disputa- 
tions generally, without the ameliorating influences of the 
Christian charity and feeling being directly applicable. And 
hence our struggles about them are in danger of becoming as 
lasting and as exhausting as the religious wars from the fif- 
teenth to the seventeenth century, when they ceased only 
after it became evident that neither party was either any 
more convinced nor any more convincing or absolute than 
at first ; that they were mutually becoming exhausted, and 
must both become neai'ly exterminated, unless they learned 
to live together in wisdom and peace. 

And now, if men will consider the principles explaining 
the differences of opinions among religious sects, they can 
easily apply them to the great questions involved in the re- 
construction of peace and order in the United States. 

We referred above to the temptation which the new 



19 

amendment presents to States, to extend the right of Suf- 
frage. 

Should such temptation lead to such a result, it would 
not only corrupt political sentiment, but would complicate 
the difficulties in the way of our possible future action in 
regard to Mexico, or any other countries on this continent, 
as they are nearly all inhabited by inferior races chiefly. 
This very difficulty was the obstacle shortly after the Mexi- 
can war, when we could have had that country. We did 
not know what to do with the peons, nor would we know 
now. 

"We must settle the suffrage question at once, and ascer- 
tain to whom the fitness* and the right of government be- 
longs; who are to vote and who legislate ; or we are liable 
to be overflowed and politically overpowered by the scum 
and dregs of every part of God's footstool, from South 
Africa to Terra del Fuego, voting at our polls, taking 
away our offices, and embroiling us in continual wars 
with the governments the} r may hate ; or for the wealth 
they covet, but are either unable or unwilling to obtain 
honestly and peacefully. 

Under such circumstances we would not dare to take 
Mexico or any other country or province under our pro- 
tection, even when solicited, for the governed might soon 
become the governors. 

The Constitution provides one check to counteract the 
tendency of States to make the voting privilege unlimited. 
It provides that direct taxes shall be imposed on districts 
in proportion to their representation in Congress. But the 
amendment takes away even that check. 

This amendment is evidently the result of a combination 
between Western ambition on the one hand, and on the 
other hand Eastern fanaticism — that is determined — and 
whose ultimate object is to extend universal equality to the 
negro, both in government and in society, reckless of the 
feelings or interests of the Middle States, and reckless also 
of all intermediate or moderate opinions everywhere, andreck- 
less of our future relations with the other races on this con- 
tinent. 

The last clause of the amendment as it now stands, viz., 
" Provided that whenever the elective franchise shall be de- 
nied or abridged in any State on account of color or race, all 
persons therein of such color or race shall be excluded from 



20 

the basis of representation, "should, in fairness to the Ameri- 
can people, have been separate, so that each State might 
vote as they please on it. 

But if the favored amendment is adopted, it will be found 
necessary to revoke that clause giving citizens of one State 
equal rights in all the other States, so far as suffrage is con- 
cerned, (and enforcing it in all other respects,) or else it 
will be hereafter so construed as to force the Middle States 
to give the right of suffrage to inferior races from other 
States. 



WAR! 

War ! War ! Wars begin with good intentions ; but 
where do they end ? Who can foretell ? At first war for 
the Union, then war for emancipation, then war for negro 
suffrage and equality, then war against Mormons in Utah, 
against Spaniards in Hayti, against French in Mexico, 
against monarchy in South America, against English in 
Ireland, against nobility in Hungary and Germany, against 
slavery everywhere, against monarchy everywhere ; war 
against objectors at home ; war for old prejudices ; war for 
new passions ! War ! War ! War ! 



21 



EDITOR'S ADDRESS. 



-«-♦ » •--*-• 



TO THE READER. 

The Practical Philosopher and True Senator is de- 
signed to be a monthly' or quarterly publication devoted to 
the improvement of Government and Politics, Church, 
State, and Human Society. Its method of discussing is to 
be by reverting constantly to general fundamental princi- 
ples, instead of the passions or prejudices of the day, or age, 
or country. 

Before the war the editor had devoted himself mostly 
to the study of theological aud philosophical questions; 
but, after that outbreak, politics, that he had hitherto con- 
sidered as, in this country, but little more than party squab- 
bles for place, and words, rose up before him as the object 
to which he desired to devote his time and spare means, if 
possible. 

This publication, when touching religion at all, will be of 
a broad Christian Catholic nature. Neither will it be re- 
stricted to narrow-minded views in regard to civil affairs ; 
the editor being of the opinion, that without a truly bibli- 
cal and historical cosmopolite feeling, and the maintenance 
of more reverence and respect among us, the statesman- 
ship and liberties of this world may finally prove to be a 
stupendous abortion. 

The peculiar panacea which we propose cannot, of course, 
be developed, except in the actual publication itself. It 
will endeavor to sec the inside of its subjects impartially, 
and to harmonize contending truths ; and on new and 
American principles ; and to think several times "before 
speaking once." 

If its contents are to be measured by the bushel or yard, 
the proprietor is quite confident it will be a failure; but if 
it is to be estimated by weight, he hopes it may have a bet- 
ter success. 



22 

If any surplus, over reasonable expenses, is received for 
if, (of which a careful account will be kept and published,) 
any such surplus will be spent iu improving the publication 
itself. 

The many imperfections in the style of this number are 
deeply felt, but will, it is hoped, be excused, on account of 
there being no time at present to re-write it. 

Owing to a great inconvenience of circumstances, no 
regularity in the time of the future numbers of this publi- 
cation can be depended upon, this coming summer. 

The next number when ready will be duty advertised, 
and will give more explanations and particulars. Also, 
copies of it, we hope, will be found in the news shops 
generally, 

Persons who favor the enterprise, and who are willing to 
give it either literary assistance, or their names and amounts 
fur pecuniary donations, to be paid hereafter, are requested 
to address 

.R J. WRIGHT, 

Box 2878, P. O., 

Philadelphia, Pa. 



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